Suchergebnisse

This article analyzes the views on the intervention from the perspective of different actors in one of the states in the region, Croatia. Drawing on the national media archives as well as president Tuđman's archive, the paper focuses on the views of the following actors: (i) the media and the public, (ii) state officials, (iii) the opposition, and (iv) ethnic minorities. This allows for an exploration of a variety of positions, views and different interests which motivated reactions ranging from wholehearted support to reluctance, and even opposition to the intervention among different actors. The continuous media support for the intervention, shared by the ruling party and opposition at the beginning of the intervention later turned into reluctance on the side of the government, which became concerned with the intervention's consequences and potential negative impact. The paper concludes by contrasting the emotional satisfaction among the intervention's supporters with the political and economic concerns regarding the destabilizing effects of the intervention for the Croatian regime, pointing out the complex relations and ties among countries in the region and their citizens.

U članku se prati politička stranka Savez reformskih snaga Jugoslavije koju je‎ u srpnju 1990. osnovao posljednji predsjednik Saveznog izvršnog vijeća Jugoslavije‎ Ante Marković. Stranka je bila politička akcija kojom je Ante Marković‎ nastojao kapitalizirati vlastitu popularnost i dobiti politički legitimitet‎ u demokratskom sustavu. Prikazuje se organiziranje i djelovanje stranke od‎ osnivanja do sudjelovanja na izborima u četiri jugoslavenske republike 1990.‎ – Bosni i Hercegovini, Srbiji, Crnoj Gori i Makedoniji. Pažnja je posvećena‎ najvažnijim aspektima programa stranke – tržišnoj ekonomiji i očuvanju jugoslavenske‎ države. Uz to analiziraju se kritike različitih političkih protivnika‎ širom Jugoslavije upućene stranci. Dodatno se analizira neuspješno sudjelovanje‎ Saveza reformskih snaga Jugoslavije na prvim demokratskim izborima‎ 1990. Zaključuje se kako je stranka u izbornim aktivnostima podbacila u približavanju‎ nižim slojevima društva i nije uspjela ostvariti značajniji izborni‎ rezultat protiv nacionalnih stranaka. Za potrebe ovoga članka korištena je dostupna‎ znanstvena i memoarska literatura te opsežni novinski izvori.‎

U članku se analizira lokalna politika u općini Vukovar od pluralizacije po-litičkog života u Hrvatskoj početkom 1990. do sloma demokratski izabranih lokalnih političkih institucija u svibnju 1991. To razmjerno kratko razdoblje obilježila je snažna politička polarizacija između dviju najbrojnijih nacionalnih zajednica, Hrvata i Srba, u općini. U tom su procesu tri političke stranke – savez komunista Hrvatske-stranka demokratskih promjena, Hrvatska demokratska zajednica i Srpska demokratska stranka – bile glavni akteri nacionalne mobilizacije i političkog života u Vukovaru.

U članku se analizira situacija u tvornici obuće u Borovu u vrijeme demokratskih promjena 1990. Tvornica se krajem osamdesetih godina nalazi u ozbiljnoj krizi, ponajviše zbog strukturnih problema. Osim toga, učestali su štrajkovi i sukobi različitih nivoa vlasti oko nadzora nad tvornicom. Prvi višestranački izbori donose potpuno nove političke okolnosti u okruženju tvornice, dok u samoj tvornici neko vrijeme opstaju upravljačke strukture iz starog sustava. Na primjeru tzv. lipanjskog štrajka radnika 1990. u članku se pokušava prikazati koliko je socijalistička praksa i dalje bila aktualna, odnosno kako se radnicima umjesto suočavanja s problemima pokušava ponuditi novi kolektivistički okvir iluzije. U isto vrijeme prikazuje se kako je teška situacija radnika u kombinatu Borovo bila plodno tlo za širenje nacionalističkih teza. Na navedenim primjerima pokušava se analizirati teza o koaliciji socijalističke elite i radništva kroz kupovinu socijalnog mira, zatim teza o nacionalizmu kao novom "kolektivnom plaštu" koji je zamijenio socijalizam te, konačno, pokušava se propitati koliko su demokratske promjene u slučaju Borova bile zaista proces demokratizacije, a koliko nastojanja novih aktera da zauzmu mjesto u društvu koje je do tada imao Savez komunista. ; The article analyzes the situation in the footwear factory Borovo in the times of democratic changes in 1990. At the end of the 1980s the factory found itself in a serious crisis, mostly due to structural problems. Furthermore, strikes and conflicts of different levels of authority for custody over the factory were very frequent. First multiparty elections brought completely new political circumstances in the factory environment. However, in the factory there was still the same management as in the old system. In the article we examine, based on the example of the so-called June-strike of workers in 1990, to what extent the same socialist practice was still actual, that is, how the workers were offered a new framework of collective illusion, instead of making them face real problems. At the same time, the hard position of workers in Borovo was a "fertile ground" for nationalistic ideas. Based on the mentioned examples, we analyze the thesis about coalitio n of socialist elites and the working class by means of buying social peace. Furthermore, we analyze the thesis about nationalism as a new "collective mantle" which substitutes socialism. Finally, we examine to what extent democratic changes were truly a process of democratization rather than efforts of new actors to take over the position in society that was held by the Communist Party in the previous period.

In relation to the period of 25 or more years ago, the sector of medicinal, aromatic and spice plants (MASP) in Serbia has been on a constant rise, developing new technologies, standards and markets. Nowadays, unfortunately, in spite of the exceptionally rich biofund of this group of plants, production, processing and export of medicinal plants are far below levels of the late 1980s. The cessation of the operation of several major public companies, together with the lack of sufficiently favorable political situation has directed some of the foreign, as well as domestic customers towards the acquisition of raw materials and products in some other markets. Therefore, to restore this sector to the place it deserves, it must act vertically and horizontally. Vertically, towards the institutions that directly or indirectly determine the state of the sector (ministries, chambers, associations, etc.). Horizontally should be acted on the participants in the production and processing.

U članku se analiziraju kritike usmjerene prema Republici Hrvatskoj koje su dolazile iz međunarodne zajednice u razdoblju od završetka operacije Oluja 1995. do kraja 1999. Pojam međunarodna zajednica shvaćen je kao paradigmatski okvir unutar kojega se formira stanoviti dominantni narativ. Analizirana su izvješća koja su objavljivale različite institucije: OESS, Human Rights Watch, američki State Department. Uz to,
analizirana je arhiva novina New York Times u predmetnom razdoblju kao primjer sukreatora javnog narativa. Članak je podijeljen prema temama kritike koje su uočene u istraženim izvorima: položaj Srba i povrat izbjeglica, ljudska i manjinska prava, medijske slobode, manjkavosti demokracije i provedba Daytonskog sporazuma.

AbstractThe last Prime Minister of Yugoslavia Ante Marković was considered by many within the country and in the international community to be Yugoslavia's last chance for a peaceful transition toward democracy and capitalism. In spite of his popularity, the Reformist party he created failed decisively in the first democratic elections of 1990. We expose the reasons for this failure by analyzing electoral, economic, and sociodemographic data on the level of more than two hundred Yugoslav municipalities where the Reformists put forward their candidates. Our analysis shows that the party's failure had little to do with the voters' exposure to the effects of the free market reforms undertaken by Marković's federal government during this period. Instead, the Reformists' results were largely determined by the communities' ethnic makeup and interethnic balance. The Reformists suffered at the hands of a strong negative campaign by the Serbian regime of Slobodan Milošević, and they were squeezed out by the ethnically based parties that benefited from voters behaving strategically in the electoral marketplace dominated by questions of nationalism. The analysis presented here offers important lessons for our understanding of Yugoslavia's breakup, post-communist transitions in general, and electoral politics in societies on the verge of ethnic conflict.